Mario Martinez-Jimenez

Abstract forthcoming.

Abstract forthcoming.

School shootings may create mental-health care needs well beyond physical injuries, yet their effects on routine health-system demand remain poorly measured. We link patient-level American Family Cohort primary-care electronic health records for 2021–2024 to events in the Center for Homeland Defense and Security K–12 School Shooting Database. A stacked event study compares children living 0–5 miles from each shooting school with children 10–15 miles away. Among 28 severe shootings in the balanced sample, the near–far differential in any mental-health care event rises by about 2.7–2.8 percentage points in each of the first three full post-shooting quarters. Pooling the eight post-shooting quarters yields an estimated differential of 3.98 points relative to a 10.54% pre-shooting control mean. The response appears in diagnoses (1.38 points), broad mental-health procedures (3.41 points), and suicidal or ideation notes (0.99 points), while medication use and overall primary-care contact change little. This composition points to clinical recognition, assessment, and documentation rather than a generalized increase in utilization. Estimates remain positive across age groups and event-deletion checks, although alternative distance comparisons and more equal event weighting yield smaller magnitudes. The results reveal an undermeasured spillover into primary care and imply that post-shooting planning and welfare analysis should account for mental-health capacity required beyond direct casualties and the affected school.

This paper asks whether climate concern and public climate mobilisation affect young adults' well-being and economic attachment. It combines European Social Survey repeated cross-sections with geocoded Fridays for Future (FFF) actions. Descriptive associations link climate worry and awareness to education, work, NEET status, and functioning, but do not establish causality. The quasi-experimental analysis uses five global mobilisations from 2019–2023 and a stacked difference-in-difference-in-differences design: it compares post-event changes within 50 miles of an action with changes beyond 100 miles for ages 18–40, net of the same geographic change for ages 41–50. Google Trends confirms movement-specific attention. A 16-outlet Factiva event-window panel supplies an independent conventional-news validation: the FFF/climate-strike share rises after the identifying mobilisation in France, Spain, and Italy, with a pooled country-fixed-effect rate ratio of 4.10. Across the four-week window, FFF proximity produces no statistically detectable average change in the primary well-being and economic-attachment indices. The economic estimate rules out a decline of 0.20 standard deviations; the well-being estimate is less precise and not robustly adverse across specifications. Climate worry and political interest show no average response. A narrow-window rise in worry is unusual relative to pre-event pseudo-cutoffs, but differential pre-event movement prevents a clean causal interpretation. The evidence does not support a systematic short-run deterioration in well-being or economic attachment.

Neonatal units care for clinically vulnerable newborns, including infants born premature or at low birthweight. Yet little is known about whether neonatal attendance signals later educational needs. We use data on 8,406 nine-year-olds from Growing Up in Ireland to study reading tests and parent- and teacher-reported difficulties. After adjusting for observed birth and family characteristics and applying the survey weight, children with a history of neonatal care scored about 0.05 standard deviations lower on two reading measures. Neither reading estimate was statistically different from zero, although the confidence intervals also allowed modest disadvantages. Parents reported a 2.8-percentage-point higher rate of learning difficulties; this estimate was also not statistically different from zero, while teachers reported no difference. Caregiver-reported dyspraxia was more common in one follow-up analysis, but direct tests and teacher reports did not show a similar pattern. Adjustments for missing outcomes and plausible reporting error did not change the main interpretation. Neonatal attendance overlapped with, but was not equivalent to, low birthweight or prematurity. The low-birthweight analysis revealed an important design constraint: nearly four in five low-birthweight children attended neonatal care, so the cohort cannot support a separate attendance comparison within this high-risk group. Overall, the findings support using neonatal attendance as a practical early-life marker to help identify children who may benefit from sustained developmental and educational follow-up. The study therefore shows that neonatal attendance can complement birthweight and prematurity when targeting follow-up, while the effects of admission and treatment require designs with stronger clinical data and exogenous variation.

Does schooling make gender norms more egalitarian? This paper combines seven rounds of the European Social Survey with country- and cohort-specific compulsory-schooling reforms. The design compares cohorts within country and survey round, allows country-specific cohort trends, and uses three complementary outcome families: repeated employment questions, a randomized vignette that changes only whether a working parent is a mother or a father, and contemporary parity and policy measures. One additional year of schooling increases an egalitarian employment index by 2.3 percentage points and rejection of men's priority for scarce jobs by 3.3 points. Both effects are statistically significant, and every round-specific estimate is positive. Respondents penalize a mother who works full time while caring for a young child by 20 points. Schooling reduces this penalty by 2.3 points per year, with the clearest evidence in the later survey round. Schooling also improves views of equal participation in work and leadership, although this result is sensitive to cohort trends. It does not consistently change preferences over public childcare or equality policy. Education shifts beliefs about women's participation more reliably than beliefs about how care should be organized or financed.